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I UNITED STATES (iF AMEUtl 



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AN ADDRESS 



TO THE 



AMERICAN PEOPLE, 



AV^ritten in February, 1864. 



By Major JAMES W. CARPENTER, 

Paymaster in the United States Army. 



NEW ORLEANS: 

PRINTED BY H. P. LATHROP, CORNER MAGAZINE & POYDRAS STS. 

1864. 



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Note. — The following Address is designed to call the attention of the 
American people to the imminent danger of allowing political parties 
to be formed on questions which will array not only party against 
party, but at the same time also array section against section. While 
party must necessarily be opposed to party, the danger lies in 
dividing them by geographical boundaries. 



NATIONAL POLICY. 



Fellow Citizens : 

Considerations, burdened with the hope of rendering some service 
to our common country, prompt me to communicate to you the 
following proposition, viz : 

Is it not of the utmost importance that there should be a radical 
change in the policy of the Civil Administration of our Government ? 

And the following views seem to argue an affirmative answer to the 
above question. The vindication and maintenance of the supreme 
law of the land, necessarily implies the reduction and total destruction 
of all forces and combinations of forces, whether of a civil or military 
nature, which have been, or maybe, raised in the land in conflict with 
it ; and it being true that an organization of a civil nature has been 
formed covering several States and including a large population, 
and that this organization is defended, protected and kept in being 
by an organized military force, the overpowering and destruction of 
this organized military force becomes an inevitable necessity, in order 
that the supreme law may be maintained, or have a continued exist- 
ence in that part of the land where the above organized force with 
which it is in conflict exists, and there being no practical way of 
overcoming this armed force but by an armed force which is of supe- 
rior power, we are directly brought to the consideration of the relative 
power of these two armed forces. Whatever tends directly or indi- 
rectly to weaken the military power of the one side, necessarily gives 
the other a corresponding advantage. And what will tend to weaken 
or strengthen them depends entirely (with the exception of their 
own operation upon each other) upon the basis upon which they 
rest; and the elements of which that basis is composed must necessa. 
rily be examined in order to understand what is calculated to injure 



4 AN AIlDKlCS.-? 

or destroy that foundation. And upon examination we find that upon 
one side the military force has its basis in the su])reme law of the 
land, which is embodied in the Constitution of the United States, and 
supported and sustained by the efforts, the prayers and the will uf 
tlie loyal people, and is the government itself. On the other side the 
military force has its basis in the efforts, the prayers and the will of 
the disloyal people. This last basis we see at a glance is far inferior 
to the first ; yet it being the basis upon whicli the military force is 
dependent for its power and its strength, it follows as a necessary 
consequence that if this basis is destroyed, or weakened in any way, 
the military force must fail also, or be proportionately weakened — 
Hence it becomes of the utmost importance that every thing which 
can be, should be done to paralize the efl:orts and change the will and 
prayers, of the disloyal people in the land ; and in order to do this, it 
is meet that we inquire into the cause which has produced and is 
producing such powerful efforts, and has fi.\ed within them the will, 
and prayer, which makes them a disloyal people. We may rest satisfied 
that there is nothing in the supreme law itself, nor in the Government 
itself, which has produced this disloyalty — there being two reasons, 
either of which is sufficient to satisfy the most skeptical on that point. 
The first is that they (the disloyal) have lived under this same supreme 
law from their earliest infancy, contentedly, happih', prosperously, and 
without complaint, until 1860 ; and the other reason, which is equally 
conclusive is that one of the first of their disloyal actions was to adopt 
for themselves a government, or supreme law, embodying the same 
elementary principles in almost all its parts as the one they so sudden- 
ly abandoned. Then there being nothing in the government of the 
United States itself, to cause the disloyalty, no change of that govern- 
ment could remove the disloyalty. But we do find, that a party in the 
land advocated a policy, which they who are now disloyal considered 
and believed to be a reproach upon tlieir honor, and tending against 
their interests, and reserved sovereign rights, (and it being immaterial 
whether these considerations and this belief, were true ov false, so far 
as the work of forming the basis of their military forces is concerned) 
and this party having succeeded in electing a Chief Magistrate, the 
dislike, and hatred, and possibly fear, of this party and policy, have 



rilK aMKKIi'AN I'Kni'l.K 



alone prompted tlit- ettbrts, sh;i])ed the will and wish in the disloyal 
bosom to abandon the government they once did and still do love. 
Then the question comes, will the continuation of that policy be likely 
to change the will or weaken the efforts of the disloyal people. Certainly 
not, but a change of that policy and party will, for the same reason, 
cKange the will and wish, and paralize the efforts of the disloyal 
people, and weaken, and jierhaps distroy, entirely the basis upon 
which their military force rests ; and the tendency would be, and we 
as reasonable men, might expect to see their armed force fast fading 
from the land, giving at the same time our own arms an easy victory 
over all vsuch forces as might be maintenedby compulsion, or discipline, 
or all other causes combined, when the prayer of the heart of the 
people is not Avith them and the hand lends them unwilling and 
feeble efforts. These views being correct and the positions well taken, 
and it seems impossible for the candid mind to deny them, then is 
not the affuMiiative of the proposition clearly maintained and })ut 
beyond question. 

It being inevitably necessary to destroy their military force, and 
their being but two ways to do it — the first being by the operations of 
a superior military force directly upon it ; and the other (which is im- 
practicable without the first,) is by sapping the foundations upon 
which it rests. Is it not very important that these two modes operate . 
together, in order that the conflict may be shortened, and that the blood 
of our countrymen may not l)e unnecessarily shed ? Or shall we 
continue the present policy, breathing continual life into the hatred 
and possibly fear and dread w^hich they bear this poUcy, until both 
the basis of their military power, and the military power itself, shall 
have been battered down by the blows of the military arm alone, 
necessarily involving additional years of conflict, devastation, blood- 
shed and fraternal slaughter. Having established the great necessity 
for a change, we arrive at the question of when and how can it be 
made. 

Can the necessar}- change of policy be made by the present Chief 
Magistrate, or the party organization which placed him in power ? 
Should the chief reverse his policy at this time, and the party attempt 



to follow their chief in the change, would it not be such a conflict, 
with the original party organization and platform, and also with the 
publicly proclaimed purposes of the chief, as to render every effort 
which they may now make to change for the better, and to win the 
love and confidence of their fellow countrymen, who are now in deadly 
strife against both them and the Government, (but against the Gov- 
ernment only because of them,) a failure. Does not all experience, 
candid reason and correct judgment clearly teach us that it 
would take many years of consistent, friendly action on the part 
of that party and chief to win that confidence and love which 
would be effective in turning the cannon's muzzle from our national 
fortress, or even to secure the friendly wishes of the disloyal 
people ? Do not these views clearly teach the American people 
that it is one of their first duties to organize a party with a 
different policy, entirely separate and distinct from the one now 
in power — to elect a new Chief Magistrate, to take the place of 
the one now in power, at the expiration of his present term — this 
being the shortest period of time, and the only mode which is left us 
to make the required change. Shall we not be recreant to and 
wickedly regardless of the well-being of our Government, (to say 
nothing of its very existence,) and also untrue to ourselves and our 
children, and leave heavy and unnecessary burdens on the shoulders 
of our brave soldiery, if we neglect this great and imperative duty. 

The necessity for change, and the time and mode of making it, 
having been ascertained, then the question comes what should that 
change be, in order to be effectual in the work of changing the will, 
wish and prayer, of the disloyal people. Every understanding mind 
will at once agree that it must be the adoption of a policy which the 
disloyal people do not consider and believe to be a reproach upon 
their honor, and as tending against their interests, and reserved sove- 
reign rights ; and in selecting such a policy we are led to the consi- 
deration of the different policies which have heretofore been adopted 
by the political parties of the nation from its organization to the 
present time. During that time there have been eighteen Presidential 
Elections, and m all those elections we find that the policies of the 



lO Till; AMKIIIfAN I'Kdl-l.K. 



various juirtios have been such a.s to disseminate, the nionibcrs of 
Avliioii the successful parties were composed throughout the wiiolo 
Uuion, and never, untill 1860, did any policy, or party succed in 
electinj:^ a Chief Magistrate for the nation, v/ho did not receive more 
or less suppoit and approval from the people of every State in the 
Union ; but we find it to be true that in the election of 1856, there 
was a party organized with a candidate for the Presidency, which 
received no support from any State where the institution of Negro 
Slavery then existed. At that election it failed, but it continued 
its party organization and policy, until 1860, when it succeded in the 
election, with a policy unfriendly to the institution of Slavery, and it 
being thus unfriendly, the people of fifteen States, where that institu- 
tion then existed, were almost unanimously opposed to it ; but in the 
nineteen States where that Institution did not exist were found its 
advocates and supporters. Thus we see that the distinctive feature 
which marks this policy is that it divides political parties by geograph- 
ical boundaries, setting one section of a common country against the 
other, as well as one party against the other. This arrangement is 
admirably calculated to produce not only malignant and bitter 
hatred and burning jealousies in the hearts of the people of each 
section against the other, but it furnishes the means ready made to 
the hands of the enemies of the Union with which to organize revolt, 
rebellion and armed conflict. The truth of these views needs no 
further proof than the results which have flowed from that arrange- 
ment and filled the land with war and woe, since 1860. 

Many men, and some of them learned men, have said and are now 
telling you, that Southern Slavery is the cause and the main spring 
of the present rebellion. 

While other men equally wise are telling you that the Abolitionists, 
and opposers of the Institution are the cause of all the trouble : thus 
each side maligns and vilifies the other, while both are equally false. 

The true cause of the rebellion is simply the few unscrupulous men 
who have seized upon the opportunity offered by the above arrange- 
ment of political parties, and being ambitious, as well as apt and 
crafty workmen, they are using the means thus furnished with all the 



8 AN- ADDRESS 

ingenuity and skill of wliicli they are masters, to destroy tlio national 
Union. 

Jn regard to the Institution of Slavery as it has existed in the 
United States from their organization to the present time, we all know 
it to be true that it has always had its opposers and its advocates, so 
has almost every other institution under the sun ; but because men 
have always differed in opinion in regard to that Institution, and 
probably always will, are we necessarily driven to the conclusion 
that armed conflict is the necessary result of that difference, and that 
it is the duty of brother to slay brother, until all who favor the one 
opinion or the other are slain ? If this proposition be true in regard 
to this Institution, then it is true in regard to every other about 
which men constantly differ, and it would necessarily follow that 
armed conflict Avould result and all would be equally in duty bound 
to continue the deadly strife, until only those of one opinion survived. 

Does it need argument to show an intelligent people the fallacious 
madness of the above proposition ? Believing tliat it does not, I will 
offer none. 

But the right of the States and the people to exercise control over 
that Institution, either to establish or to remove it, having never been 
delegated to the United States by the Constitution, is reserved to the 
States or the people, and can never be constitutionally taken from 
them "without their consent, and any policy w^hich tends to remove 
that right from the people, and place it in the hands of the General 
Government, without their consent tends to subvert the Constitution, 
and ruin public liberty. Then the whole question of Slavery is 
solved by the following simple proposition : The people and States can 
lay it aside whenever they choose, but neither the General Govern- 
ment, nor any State or the people of any State, can lay it aside for 
any other State ; but each State and the people thereof, can lay it 
aside or e.stablish it at their pleasure within their own limits ; and 
in regard to the various questions in relation to the duty of the people 
themselves in exercising this right, and the designs, wishes and 
expectations of the founders of our Constitution in relation to the 
exercise of this right, we find the following facts existing. 



TO THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. 9 

Fir>t, thiit at the formation of the Government there were thirteen 
original States, in all of which the Institution existed, and in 1860, seven- 
ty five years later, we find thirty four States, viz 15 slave and 19 free ; 
and by theConstitution,an amendment can be made when three-fourths 
of the States shall desire it. Then the question arises can the 
General Government, or the people through the General Government, 
ever remove the Institution entirely from the nation, without the 
consent of every State. We find by the Constitution that the powers 
already delegated convey the right to three fourths of the States to 
abolish it in the other one fourth, whenever they shall see fit to ratify 
an amendment to the Constitution to that effect. Whether that time 
ever will arrive or not, perhaps we have no better means of judging 
than by the past, and judging by the past we find that in course of 
*i5 years after the beginning of our nation, 13 slave States have 
become 15, and the free States, there being none to commence with, 
have become 19 ; and if they go on increasing in the same ratio for 
one hundred and fifty years longer, the slave States will then be 19, 
while the frefe States will be 4T, which will be just three, to one; when 
the free States will have the full right to lay it aside by a constitu- 
tional amendement, constitutionally made ; and until that state of 
thing arrives, whether it is sooner or later, it is the solemn duty of 
every loyal citizen, not only to abstain from strife and conflict, on that 
question and all others, but to do what lies in his power to so shape 
the policy of political parties as not to furnish means for the disloyal 
with which tc cause strife and conflict. From these considerations 
then it is plain that the policy should have no such distinctive mark 
as we find in the policy Avhich succeeded in 1860. There was also a 
party in 1860, the policy of which VfQ.^ friendly to the Institution of 
Slavery, but this was no less sectional than the other, and would have 
precisely the same result^ so far as furnishing instruments with which 
to assail the Union is concerned. Then to avoid such results, a policy 
should be adopted Avhich is wholly impartial and upright on that 
subject, leaving it to stand or fall by its own merits, as all other 
institutions of a local or domestic character stand or fall, as they 
gain the approval or disapproval of those who have the right to sit in 
judgment upon th<^ir merits. 



10 AX ADDRKSS 

As a furtlier verification of the correctness of these views, let us 
refer to the counsels and advice of Washington. Among his last words 
to the people of the United States, dated September 1796, we find the 
following language, viz ; " In contemplating the causes which may 
disturb our Union, it occurs as a matter of serious concern, that any 
ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties by 
geographical discriminations — Northern and Southern, Atlantic and 
Western — whence designing men may endeavour to excite a belief 
that there is a real difference of local interests and views. One of the 
expedients of party to acquire influence within particular districts is, 
to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot 
shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heart burnings 
which spring from these misrepresentations. They tend to render 
alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal 
affection ." 

In regard to the question of war and peace, let no man be deceived, 
although gentlenu'n may stand up in their places oi power and trust 
and cry : Peace ! Peace ! and the beseeching wail of mothers for 
peace be heard throughout the land ; and the hearts of American 
daughters be lifted to heaven, freighted with the prayer for peace ; 
and the orphan entrenched in its own helplessness, shall invoke 
humanity for peace; and the fathers of sons slain in battle shall wipe 
the cold clammy sweat from their aged brows, and with teeth 
gnashing against relentless war, shall sue the fates for peace. Yet 
there is no peace until the day that armed resistance to the proper 
administration of our national government is totally destroyed and 
no longer exists in the land. Or that unity of government which 
constitutes you one people, and is the main pillar in the edifice 
of your real independence, the support of your tranquility at 
home, and peace abroad; your safety and prosperity, and the liberty 
which is almost identical with the fibres of your hearts, is destroyed 
and no longer exists in the land. Their very existence in the same 
land necessarily produces conflict, and there can be no peace until 
one or the other shall cease to exist. 

Can there be a shadow of doubt in the mind of any patriotic 



TO THE A^rERICAN PEOPLE. 11 

American citizen as to which of these should be wiped from the face of 
the country. It seems impossible that there should, yet it may bo well 
to review the opinions of the Father of his Country on this point. In 
his Farewell Address we find the following in relation to the value of 
the unity of Government, viz : " But as it is easy to foresee that from 
different causes and from different quarters, much pains will be taken, 
manv artifices employed to weaken in your minds the conviction of this 
truth, as this is the point in your political fortress, against which the 
batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly, and 
actively,(though often covertly and insidiously) directed, it is of infinite 
moment that you should properly estimate the immense value of your 
national Union, to your collective and individual happiness ; that you 
should cherish a cordial, habitual and immovable attachment to it ; 
accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the palladium of 
your political safety and prosperity, watching for its preservation with 
jealous anxiety ; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a 
suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned, and indignantly 
frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alien any 
portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties 
which now link together the various parts." 

Thus we see that whatever difference there may be in the institu- 
tions, or aims, or views of the different sections of our country, none 
0/ these, nor all of these, can possibly work to us such vital injury as 
a policy which will alienate the affections of the people of one section 
against another, and thereby enable the traitor heart to lift the 
traitor hand against the supreme law of the land with impunity. 
]>ut the policy having been used and been successful in placing 
those who have used it in places of trust, and the traitor having 
seized upon the alienation thus caused as the golden moment when 
he could succeed in shattering the political fabric which a nation of 
freemen have so sacredly reared for themselves and their posterity, 
is it not a true and virtuous patriotism that will fight that traitor to 
the last extremity, even to desperation, rather than that he shall 
succeed in his fell designs and accomplish the ruin of a great nation 
for all coming time ; and while the brave soldiers of the Union have 
turned their backs for the time being upon all they hold dear, and 



12 AN ADDRESS, &C. 

are facing the foe, and are freely and fearlessly baring a million of 
bosoms, as a profound statesman Las profoundly said, to whatever of 
terror there may be in war and death, upon many a field of carnage, 
and blood stained river, and rolUng billow. Will not the American 
people, with anxious solicitude, embrace the first opportunity to correct 
the error and remove the policy which has thus fed and is thus feeding 
the foe, and put in its place one which will have a salutary effect upon 
a bleeding country, and a tendency to win back that confidence and 
love which is for the moment seized upon by the traitor and is giving 
him aid and comfort. If you remove the policy which is the foundation 
of sectional hatred, will not that hatred be likely soon to fail for the 
want of a foundation whereon to r«;st, and when it has failed and faded 
from the hind, and can no mor(> l)e found, can it then be used l)y the 
traitor to nerve the sinews of armed legions in assailing the national 
T'niou. And will not love and good will in all sections and the people 
thereof towards each other be likely to take its place — the tendency 
of which must certainly bo to sustain and strengthen the L'ninn, while 
it will leave the traitor with his minions weak and uncarcd for, before 
our victorious armies to be driven to their merited oblivion. 

These considerations and views arc practical ([uestions of the 
]>rcsent huur ; nil arc now Iiogiiining to look to the ucwelection^whicii 
is to furnish the nation with a Chief Magistrate for the iioxt Pres- 
idential term, and let the American people discharge their duties iu 
regard to them with an alacrity and manliness which becomes intel- 
ligent freemen, and we may fondly hope for future liberty and hnji- 
piness, and the gratitude of those who have gone forth to battl(\ for 
the important aid thus rendered ; and in the present and all the 
boundless future, those who are thus enabled to dwell iu peaceful and 
happy homes, will with fond remembrance point out to their'childrcn 
and children's children the days in which you lived, as the days in 
which calm deliberation, impartial counsel and unbiased judgment, 
joined hands with the Union Armies and Navies, to rescue an im- 
periled country from the thralldom of fanaticism and treason, and by 
their united strength, averted impending ruin and conducted a great 
nation to substantial prosperity and peace, while all will rest in proud 
satisfaction iu their national glory. 



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